Inside the failed security plan and expensive mercenaries of the Democratic Republic of the Congo

Despite the government’s insistence that they were only instructors, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has significantly depended on foreign mercenaries to support its military operations against the M23 rebels.

These foreign soldiers, especially Romanians, were significantly more active on the battlefield than was officially recognized, according to months of BBC investigative investigation.

The Romanian mercenaries were outmanoeuvred as M23 launched an offensive on Goma in the region of North Kivu. They were turned over to Rwanda after surrendering to M23 and seeking safety at a UN peacekeeping facility.

On January 29, some 300 Romanian mercenaries were sent to Rwanda as part of their repatriation procedure after talks.

How much mercenaries cost

The salary difference between mercenary and Congolese soldiers was one of the most obvious inequalities in the DR Congo’s use of them. A senior-level Romanian mercenary received a base wage of $5,000 per month while on active service and $3,000 while on leave, according to a contract examined by the BBC. This sum is almost equivalent to the salaries of fifty Congolese troops.

According to the contract, these mercenaries would serve “indefinitely” unless they were fired, taking a month-long respite every three months of deployment.

Local troops were greatly irritated by this wage disparity. Speaking anonymously, one Congolese soldier bemoaned, “The pay is unfair.” We are the ones who get dispatched to the front lines of battle initially. Additionally, he disclosed that his modest monthly income of $100 was sometimes either not paid at all or paid late.

Two private military firms entered into agreements with the Congolese government in 2022 to assist the army in its fight against M23, according to a UN panel of experts quoted by Ian Wafula of BBC Africa.

These included Agemira RDC, which had staff from Bulgaria, Belarus, Georgia, Algeria, France, and Congo, and Congo Protection, a Congolese company headed by Thierry Kongolo, which collaborated with Association RALF, a Romanian company run by Horatiu Potra and made up of ex-French Foreign Legion members.

Evidence indicates that Romanian operatives from Association RALF were actively participating in fighting, despite the official agreement stating that they were there to teach Congolese forces. They were securing strategic locations surrounding Goma in 12-hour shifts, according to a senior Romanian officer based outside of Bucharest.

Horatiu Potra, the leader of Association RALF, responded, “We have to protect ourselves,” when asked about their involvement. They won’t just respond, “Oh, you’re just instructors—go home,” if M23 attacks us.

Denials from the government

Congolese authorities consistently refuted allegations of mercenary involvement in spite of growing evidence. In June 2024, government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya denied the accusations, stating, “We have some instructors who come to train our military forces because we know we have this urgent situation.” He also claimed that “they [Rwanda] have been propagating lies for years.”

According to international law, mercenaries are those who are specifically recruited for battle, have no national ties to the fight, and are driven by financial gain.

Mercenary operations intended to topple governments are illegal under the 1989 UN International Convention and Additional Protocol I (Article 47) of the Geneva Conventions.

The 1977 OAU Convention declares mercenaryism a crime against peace and security in Africa and punishes anyone who engage in it with harsh punishments, including the death penalty.

Alphonse Muleefu, a legal expert, denounced the DRC’s use of mercenaries, saying that the country should not do so as a party to the OAU convention.

Muleefu declared, “It is wrong to use mercenaries, especially when you are fighting against the nation’s own citizens who are fighting for their rights and self-determination.” He added that although Congo had the resources to punish such crimes, it was encouraging them instead.

“When international laws are domesticated and in line with a nation’s desire, they are usually enforced. But in this instance, DR Congo committed the offenses on Congolese territory,” he clarified.

“Even though M23 is not a recognized state, it could have enforced these laws after capturing the criminals because the group controls the region and is accountable for protecting its citizens,” he continued.

According to the legal expert, if there were domestic regulations for pursuing such crimes, M23 might have punished the mercenaries in accordance with DR Congo’s acceptance of the agreement.

He noted that the United States created the term “Private Security Companies” to defend the use of mercenaries in wars like Afghanistan and Iraq, enabling their deployment covertly.
Since then, the word has been used all throughout the world to hide mercenary activity.

Speaking during the 24th Extraordinary Summit of East African Community (EAC) heads of state, President Paul Kagame chastised President Félix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of the Congo for dumping EAC’s military forces in favor of foreign mercenaries and the Southern African Development Community (SADC).

“To be honest, I have no idea how many entities there are in the DRC. We have Burundi, FDLR, mercenaries, SAMIDRC, and MONUSCO. Kagame made reference to the ongoing bloodshed in Eastern Congo, namely against the Tutsi ethnic minority, whom M23 claims to defend, when he added, “And everybody is there watching this and pretending like we don’t understand what’s been happening all these years.”

The Rwandan government has repeatedly refuted claims that it supports M23, claiming that the situation has been made worse by Congo’s alliance with mercenaries.

Rwanda has also raised security concerns, pointing out that the FDLR, a genocidal force that carried out the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, has attacked Rwandan territory and operated from the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The terrible reality of mercenaries

Many Congolese were confused by the presence of these foreign warriors, who were recruited by Asociatia RALF, a Romanian organization, and thought they were Russian Wagner Group agents.

Former mercenaries spoke of a chaotic command structure and subpar working conditions despite being promised high salaries.

Speaking anonymously to the BBC, one former mercenary bemoaned, “Missions were disorganized, working conditions poor.” It’s unsafe, thus Romanians should avoid traveling there. Additionally, he disclosed that several recruits had no prior military training; one former coworker had been a firefighter.

In an interview with Romania’s TVR station, group organizer Constantin Timofti detailed the terrible scenario, saying, “The M23 rebels managed to reach our positions around the city of Goma.” We were compelled to leave once the national army stopped fighting.

The murders of two Romanian fighters, notably Vasile Badea, a former police officer who had taken up the role to help his struggling finances, sadly highlighted the perils of mercenary activity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. When M23 insurgents ambushed an army convoy in February 2023, Badea was slain.

Efforts to recruit continue

Recruitment efforts are still ongoing despite the terrible outcome for the Romanian fighters. According to a recruiter in Bucharest who spoke to the BBC, efforts are still being made to recruit 800 new mercenaries with daily pay ranging from $400 to $550. The hiring procedure is still quite covert and depends on private networks like WhatsApp to draw applicants.

The Congolese army is still fighting alongside a number of other armed groups, such as the FDLR, SADC, Burundian, and local militias like Wazalendo. Confusion and inefficiency in operations have resulted from this disjointed military organization.

“It creates a situation where it is impossible to plan military offensives where the chain of command and responsibility is muddied,” cautioned Richard Moncrief of the International Crisis Group. The armed effort in North Kivu has to be more coordinated, most likely by reducing the number of armed organizations there.