What if M23 was fighting a feminist battle as well?

The horrific news of over 150 female prisoners being raped by male prisoners after a prison escape in the Democratic Republic of the Congo was covered by international media in late January. The media neglected to note that this was not the first instance of this kind in the nation and that it might be the last under the present Congolese government.

A similar attack took place during a jailbreak at Makala prison, the biggest in the nation, in September of last year. Male inmates gang-raped their other prisoners, attacking the female wing. The fact that this didn’t even occur in the country’s east shows how pervasive and systemic the oppression of women is.

The Kivus, which are located in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, are the subject of our attention. Women in this nation have endured some of the most severe types of abuse, exploitation, and hardship for more than thirty years. Since the perpetrators of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide against the Tutsi escaped and were accepted into the Democratic Republic of the Congo and then Zaire, where they disseminated their philosophy of genocide and set off a chain of wars and brutality that has claimed countless lives, the region has been mired in strife.

Women have carried the greatest burdens over the years, including being subjected to sexual assault, slavery, forced labor, and murder, while the rest of the world has mostly ignored these atrocities. But now that the AFC/M23 rebellion is upending the Kivus’s status quo, it’s likely that their takeover of the area would benefit women who have only ever known violence.

DR Congo is sometimes referred to as the “rape capital of the world,” and data support this assertion. 48 women were raped nationwide in 2006 and 2007, according to a 2011 study that was published in the American Journal of Public Health. Given the stigma and fear that keep many women from reporting their assaults, the true figures are probably higher.

Armed groups have employed rape as a methodical weapon of war to intimidate and subjugate people. Gangs have brutally raped women and girls as young as babies, frequently in front of their relatives. These survivors suffer from social rejection, psychological trauma, and serious injury. In an effort to increase their numbers, militia members also forcefully impregnate many. Lifelong repercussions for survivors include the possibility of HIV/AIDS, fistula, and rejection from their communities and families. Many more, unfortunately, do not make it out alive.

Taking over Rwanda to get real estate and attractive women

A detained member of the openly pro-Congolese FDLR terrorist militia group stated in 2024 that one of the benefits of fighting Rwanda was to “own all the houses and beautiful women.” Their ideology, both during the 1994 genocide and now, is ingrained in dehumanizing women. It is unacceptable for Congolese women to remain victims within their own nation.

The FDLR is a genocidal militia located in the Democratic Republic of the Congo that was founded in the middle of 2000 by the surviving leaders of the 1994 Rwandan Genocide against the Tutsi.

Women have been kidnapped by the genocidal militia and used as “wives” or sex slaves for combatants, frequently when they were still very young. Others have been forced to fight, carry weapons, and commit murder after being drafted as combatants. Those who care about Rwanda are aware that the terrorist organization has used this strategy before.

Congolese women are expected to endure by the world.

Agahwa kari kuwundi karahandurwa and utabusya abwita ubumera are two Rwandan sayings that capture the situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Both imply that it is easier to cope with other people’s suffering when you are far away.

Regardless of age, women in the Kivus have endured some of the most horrific mistreatment over the past thirty years, making their predicament a symbol of violence against women. Because of the extensive documentation of this terrible reality in international media outlets and advocacy activities, DR Congo is frequently associated with rape and other gender-based atrocities.

Surprisingly, despite the $1.13 billion UN peacekeeping force (MONUSCO) in the area, these atrocities have not only continued but have intensified. There are serious concerns about whether the continued existence of these atrocities is seen as more convenient than their resolution, as it appears that their length has made them more bearable to the international community.

The international community has not acted decisively in spite of the extent of the suffering. The geopolitical interests surrounding the Kivus’ abundant mineral resources—diamonds, gold, and coltan, among others—are a major contributing factor to this indifference. These resources are unlawfully exploited by armed organizations like the FDLR, which benefits foreign governments and international corporations who put profit before of human rights.

Furthermore, MONUSCO has done nothing to safeguard civilians, especially women. Trust in international action has been further undermined by the fact that, although being one of the biggest UN peacekeeping missions in history, it has not been able to stop widespread massacres and sexual violence, and some peacekeepers have been linked to scandals involving sexual exploitation.

Will women’s rights be improved by AFC/M23’s takeover of the Kivus?

It could, indeed. For women in eastern DR Congo, things can get better, but they can’t get worse.

By encouraging violence against the Banyamulenge and Congolese Tutsi populations, President Felix Tshisekedi and his administration have already demonstrated their incapacity to promote peace and increased their risk.

AFC/M23’s recent takeover of Goma and Bukavu raises concerns about the region’s future, particularly for the women who live there. Control by the rebel movement may, in my opinion, provide some stability that would be advantageous to women. In the past, well-organized groups, whether government-supported or rebel-led, have occasionally decreased sexual offenses and indiscriminate violence.

A safer environment for women might result from M23’s establishment of governance institutions, enforcement of law and order, and suppression of the criminal elements that commit sexual violence. This, however, is contingent upon their leadership’s readiness to put human rights first and abandon the exploitative methods that have long been the hallmark of the Kinshasa dictatorship and other armed organizations.

The feminist position of AFC/M23?

We do know, however, that M23 observed International Women’s Day throughout the territories under their control. This implies that they respect and value women’s rights, indicating a progressive attitude toward gender equality in the areas they govern.

The widespread rape and other forms of violence that women there experience will stop or be lessened if they are successful in expelling the FDLR and other militias that are notorious for their violent methods.

The misery of women in the Kivus necessitates immediate response, regardless of who is in charge. The safety and empowerment of women must be given top priority by any new leadership, whether it comes from the rebel movement or a reformed Congolese government. This entails bringing sexual assault offenders to justice, offering survivors medical and psychological support, and establishing business opportunities that enable women to start over.

It is also the duty of the international community to stop its passive complicity. Women have been viewed as war victims for thirty years, not as human beings worthy of respect and safety.

The world has to recognize their pain, hold those responsible for it accountable, and make sure that Congolese women do not experience this traumatizing cycle again. For the first time in thirty years, women in the Kivus could be able to celebrate International Women’s Day with genuine joy under AFC/M23.